Obama’s Lack of Priorities

I can still remember the months after the election when Democrats and their sycophant followers in the media were wringing their hands over the struggling economy. They didn’t want to wait until January for Obama to take office because they weren’t sure the US would survive that long. Once Obama was finally sworn in the excuses began. He waxed on about how the economic woes weren’t his fault but he found them waiting for him on his desk wrapped up in a big bow.

In a rush job Congress passed a 1000+ page stimulus bill that no one had ever read. It earmarked some $787 billion to help spur job creation through such things as “shovel ready” construction projects. Of course we know now that the plan does really spend most of its money until next year, some of the projects aren’t really “shovel ready,” and unemployment has climbed ahead of the ceiling predicted by the administration.

Since passing the stimulus package congress has also tackled cap-and-trade where it has already passed in the house. At a time where we are facing high unemployment, the House of Representatives would like us to pay more for our energy. Right! That makes perfect sense. We’re going to create jobs by bankrupting domestic energy producers.

Now Obama has congress addressing the “health care crisis.” I guess he’s following Rahm Emanuel’s advice about not letting a crisis go to waste – only in this case there isn’t a crisis. This has been a pet project of leftist liberals for decades. And even though we’re piling trillions onto our ballooning debt, Obama wants to push this plan through congress before public support completely bottoms out. It’s a socialist attempt to take over the health care industry and does nothing to create jobs or help the economy.

President Obama, before you spend trillions on these power grabs, could you at least direct your attention to the problems at hand? How about scraping everything you’ve done before now and start all over with a real stimulus that creates jobs now and not 18 months from now?

Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!

I can’t imagine how the Founding Fathers felt during the time leading up to the Revolutionary War. On the one hand they were growing increasingly uneasy about their treatment by the British. On the other, how could the smaller, weaker colonies hope to stand against what was likely the strongest empire on earth? In an effort to avoid war, many people argued they should plead their grievances to the king and hope for the best.


It was following just such an appeal made to the Virginia Convention that Patrick Henry gave his famous, “Give me liberty or give me death” speech. It is this speech that many credit as being the spark that ignited the Revolutionary War. It’s a stirring speech to read. Some who were present at the convention later wrote that Henry began in a soft voice that rose like a crescendo as he spoke until the hall seemed to ring from his booming voice. At the end of the speech those listening leaped to their feet shouting, “To arms! To arms!” As they say, the rest is history.


In honor of this Fourth of July, I wanted to post that famous speech again here. Happy Independence Day!!


No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!